Descent to the Underworld in the Aeneid by Virgil and the Odyssey by Ho

Descent to the Underworld in the Aeneid and the Odyssey I chose to compare the Odyssey written by the Greek poet Homer and the Aeneid by the Roman poet Virgil. I will focus my interest on Book 11 of the Odyssey and Book 6 of the Aeneid, since that is when both of the main characters make an educational visit to the underworld. The description of the underworld created by Homer's wild imagination, inspired Virgil eight centuries later. Virgil's masterpiece was planned as an imitation of Homer's poems, so one automatically starts comparing the creations of the two authors. They were separated by eight centuries and by the cultural differences of their people. These differences are reflected on the structure of their compositions. At first the reasons for Aeneas's and Odysseus's voyage to the world below seem similar. Both of them want to receive information from the people who have already died. This knowledge is necessary in order for them to continue a successful life in the real world, amongst the real people. Aeneas wants to ask his wise father Anchises for advise about the foundation of a new state - Rome. His father tells him about the future of his family. This prophecy includes the history of Rome all the way until the days of Virgil himself. What glories follow Dardan generations ====================================== In after years, and from Italian blood What famous children in your line will come, Souls of the future, living in our name, I shall tell clearly now, and in the telling Teach you your destiny.[1] The need for Odysseus to travel to the underworld doesn't seem to be motivated at all... ...not only the characters but also the poets who wrote the two outstanding compositions, on which all of the world's literature is based. Homer who glorifies the great value of a person and Virgil who glorifies the grandeur of the State - Rome. [IMAGE] Works Cited Fagles, Robert. The Odyssey. New York: Penguin Books USA Inc. 1996 Fitzgerald, Robert. The Aeneid. Penguin Books. --------------------------------------------------------------------- [1] Virgil Aeneid B.6 line 1015 [2] Homer Odyssey B.11 line 111 [3] Homer Odyssey B.11 line 129 [4] Homer Odyssey B.11 line 153 [5] Homer Odyssey B.11 line 614 [6] Homer Odyssey B.11 line 540 [7] Virgil Aeneid B.6 line 883 [8] Virgil Aeneid B.6 line 824 [9] Virgil Aeneid B.6 line 835 [10] Virgil Aeneid B.6 line 1230

Energy Bars and Resulting Glycemic Levels Essay -- Health Nutrition Di

Energy Bars and Resulting Glycemic Levels   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Atkins’ diet has been sweeping the nation as more and more Americans struggle to lose weight. Opposed to other diets which require less fatty foods and more fruits and vegetables, Atkins’ takes a different approach. The Atkins’ diet suggests that removal of carbohydrates alone will lead to a thinner and healthier body. Atkins’ encourages intake of low-carb and high protein foods such as meat, and discourages consumption of foods high in carbohydrates such as bread. Divergent from proteins, carboyhdrates store sugars for a longer period of time and eventually turn into fat. To accommodate the diet, Atkins came out with the low carb Atkins Advantage energy bar. But losing carbs isn’t the only path to weight loss as other bars with this macronutrient also affect glycemic levels (liquid derived from fats). Such bars, including the Balance Bar and Power Bar, substitute low-glycemic carbs for higher glycemic carbs as the former have been associated with weight gain and increased blood cholesterol. A study went underway to determine just how successful the energy bars are in affecting glycemic levels.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  A study took place to see just how effective energy bars are with glycemic levels. The Atkins Advantage, which in nearly free of carbs, the Balance Bar, which provides its energy from 40% carbs, 30% protein, and 30% fat, and the Power Bar, that’s high in carbs, all were scientifically studied to see how well they live up to their names. The bars were abbreviated LC for low in carbs (Atkins), MC for moderate, (Balance) and HC for high (Power). The goal of this study was to compare the different glycemic responses of each bar to wh... ... leading to faster processing of fat and muscle gain versus weight gain. The Power bar on the other hand, which contains more carbs than the average carb substance such as white bread, is affective when eaten after exercise as it replenishes loss of glycogen in the muscles. So, each bar under this study affectively alters glucose levels, but with different results. The Atkins Advantage, or LC, contains drastically lower carbs leading to weight loss. The Balance Bar assists in weight loss to a smaller degree (with have the carbs of bread) but what it lacks in pound shedding makes up for with energy (from the protein and fats). And finally the high carb Power bar, with an additional amount of carbs, provides the energy and muscle aid which in turn can lead to weight loss. In sum, each bar is functional in their different dietary functions.

Math Achievement Essay

Abstract This paper outlines the author’s purpose for reviewing literature on gender differences in mathematics education. An overview of research findings on gender and mathematics from industrial societies (USA, Australia, and UK) and from some developing countries in Southern Africa (South Africa, Mozambique, and Botswana) is then presented. Some causal factors for the existence of gender differences in mathematics achievement are critiqued and the link between mathematics and social entities (democracy and power) are challenged. The implications of the above for research on girls learning mathematics in Botswana (and Africa) are finally suggested. Introduction Literature review should not be considered as merely part of the requirements in scholarly enterprises, but as a critical undertaking in which the investigator exercises a constant scepticism on an issue of interest. In this paper, literature review is used as a process to critique the conscious and unconscious assumptions of scholarly research on gender differentials in mathematics education. It serves as a qualitative analysis to determine how these assumptions force the definition of problems and findings of such scholarly research efforts. The paper examines literature on research studies which have dealt with gender differentials in mathematics classroom dynamics. The disenfranchisement of girls in mathematics learning discourses and girls’ motivational orientations in mathematics are important issues for the human development efforts in Botswana. The paper draws upon literature from  Western countries, specifically the USA, the UK and Australia where research on gender differences in mathematics has been considerable and influential. The socio-political, cultural and socioeconomic contexts in these countries, however, differ from those of Southern Africa in many aspects of development (education, technology, economic, etc.), but there are possibilities to draw parallels, albeit in a limited way. Through considering parallels and differences between Western industrial cultures and Africa, the paper examines issues pertinent to African girls affecting their education. The literature analysis is against the backdrop of problems such as HIV/AIDS and unplanned pregnancies faced by girls within African communities. Botswana (like most of Africa) is grappling with the HIV/AIDS pandemic; high levels of unemployment and poverty (BIDPA, 2000). The African Economic Commission (1999:5) states that: Data from Botswana, Burundi, Central African Republic, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe indicate that girls 15 to 19 years old have an (HIV/AIDS) infection rate four to ten times that of boys in the same group. This is the age group within which research on gender and mathematics has tended to focus. According to Okojie (2001), the Botswana study, commissioned by the African Academy of Sciences Research Programme, indicated the rate of teenage pregnancy being higher than that of most other African countries. HIV/AIDS, unplanned pregnancies and lack of interest in mathematics are amongst real problems that girls in the developing world face which must be taken on board when embarking on a sociological research analysis involving gender differences. Notwithstanding these developments, the question of how to motivate students in the classroom is a leading concern for teachers of all disciplines. Student motivation becomes especially relevant to mathematics education in the light of recurring questions about how to get more students interested and involved in the subject. As we proceed in the new millennium, Botswana is plagued with significant high-school dropout rates and declining interest in mathematics among secondary school students. Educators and policy makers  need to understand the educational techniques that may ‘suffocate students’ interest in learning’ (Boggiano and Pittman, 1992), then work to rekindle that interest. This paper is concerned with the use of mathematics as a ‘filter’ for further education and career choices. This affects girls more as they tend to shy away from the study of higher level mathematics, science and engineering as reflected in the University of Botswana yearly intake (Fact Books 2002; 2003; 2004/5; 2005/6). The literature analysis proceeds from an articulation of girls’ reported achievement tendencies within mathematics learning discourses in the developed world and explores the situation in Africa, particularly Southern Africa, with a special focus on Botswana. Gender differences in mathematics education The developed world’s perspective on gender and mathematics Contemporary research studies reflect scholars’ maturing view of the complexity of causation of differences between males and females in mathematics education. As Fennema (2000) rightly points out, from around 1970, ‘sex differences’ index was used to imply that any differences found were biologically, and thus, genetically determined, immutable and not changeable. During the 70’s and 80’s ‘sex-related differences’ criterion was often used to indicate that while the behaviour of concern was clearly related to the sex of the subjects, it was not necessarily genetically determined. Latey, ‘gender differences’ refers to social or environmental causation of differences that are observed between the sexes. This paper critically reviews work by leading researchers in the era of this new understanding of gender differences. According to Leder (1996) there were probably more research studies published on gender and mathematics than any other area between 1970 and 1990. Fennema (1993, 2000) concluded that while many studies had been poorly analysed and/or included sexist interpretations, there was evidence to support the existence of differences between girls’ and boys’ learning of mathematics, particularly in activities that required complex reasoning; that the differences increased at about the onset of adolescence and were recognised by many leading mathematics  educators. Salmon (1998) concurred with the notion that gender differences increase at secondary school level, particularly in situations that require complex reasoning. In the absence of an African position disputing such views, it suffices to assume that similar differences might occur in the Southern African c ontexts. Studies by Fennema and Sherman (1977, 1978) documented sex-related differences in achievement and participation, and found gender differences in the election of advanced level mathematics courses. They hypothesised that if females participated in advanced mathematics classes at the same rate that males did, gender differences would disappear. Stanley and Benbow (1980) used interpretations of some of their studies as a refutation of this ‘differential course-taking hypothesis’. They argued that gender differences in mathematics were genetic, a claim which was widely attacked and disproved, but whose publication had unfortunate repercussions (Jacobs and Eccles, 1985). Fennema and Sherman (1977, 1978) identified as critical, beliefs about the usefulness of, and confidence in learning mathematics, with males providing evidence that they were more confident about learning mathematics and believed that mathematics was, and would be, more useful to them than did females. There was evidence that while young men did not strongly stereotype mathematics as a male domain, they did believe much more strongly than did young women that mathematics was more appropriate for males than for females. The importance of these variables (confidence, usefulness and male stereotyping), their long-term influence, and their differential impact on females and males was re-confirmed by many other studies (Hyde et al., 1990; Tartre and Fennema, 1991; Leder, 1992). Earlier, Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) had reported differences between females and males in spatial skills, particularly spatial visualization or the ability to visualize movements of geometric figures in one’s mind. The Fennema-Sherman studies and the Fennema and Tartre (1985) longitudinal study investigated spatial skills or spatial visualisation. They found that while spatial visualisation was positively correlated with mathematics achievement  (that does not indicate causation), not all girls were handicapped by inadequate spatial skills, except those who scored very low on spatial tasks. Fennema (1993) suggested that an appropriate curriculum redesign could compensate for these weak skills. Other studies (Kerns and Berenbaum, 1991; Voyer, Voyer and Bryden, 1995) reported boys outperforming girls on tests of visual/spatial abilities: the ability, that is, to draw inferences about or to otherwise mentally manipulate pictorial information. The male advantage in spatial abilities was reportedly not large, but detectable by middle childhood and persisted across the life span. Casey, Nuttall and Pezaris (1997) concluded that sex differences in visual/spatial abilities and the problem-solving strategies they support contribute to sex differences in arithmetic reasoning. Although they were not particularly innovative nor offered insights that others were not suggesting, the Fennema-Sherman studies had a major impact since they were published when the concern with gender and mathematics was growing internationally. They were identified by Walberg & Haertel (1992) and others as among the most often quoted social science and educational research studies during the 80’s and 90’s. The problems of gender and mathematics were defined and documented in terms of the study of advanced mathematics courses, the learning of mathematics, and selected related variables that appeared relevant both to students’ selection of courses and learning of mathematics. The Fennema-Sherman Mathematics Attitude Scales have been widely used as guidelines for planning interventions and research studies. Campbell (1986) found that girls’ lack of confidence in themselves as mathematics learners, their perception of mathematics as difficult, and their view that mathematics is a male activity, all had impact on girls’ attitudes, achievement, and participation in advanced courses. In a longitudinal study of sixth, eighth, tenth, and twelfth grades, Tartre and Fennema (1991) found that, for girls, viewing mathematics as a male domain was correlated to mathematics achievement. Girls in single-sex schools or in out-of-school mathematics projects – who did not see mathematics as an exclusively male domain tended to have higher mathematics success. When this dynamic was changed to make mathematics accessible to both girls and boys, girls’ interest and involvement were found to rise. Reyes and Stanic (1988) and Secada (1992) have argued that socioeconomic status and ethnicity interact with gender to influence mathematics learning. Forgasz and Leder (1998) share the view that gender differentials in participation rates are associated with the interaction of positive attitudes and beliefs about mathematics and socioeconomic status. The transferability of these findings, based on Western cultural concepts, poses a problem for African contexts. Socioeconomic status indicators in Botswana for instance, somewhat differ from the UK model and need be appropriately contextualised. The question of ethnicity also becomes problematic in the Botswana context since about 85% of the population is of Tswana ethnic origin. Moreover, ethnic differences have never been of significance and might not necessarily affect gender differences in mathematics in the same way as in Western contexts. Trends of gender differences in mathematics from the United Kingdom The gender gap in performance throughout the subjects in the United Kingdom has been shifting in favour of girls since the early 1990s. In national curriculum tests and at higher level GCSE grades, girls outperform boys. For example, in 1997, 49% of girls achieved five or more higher grade GCSEs compared with 40% boys (DfEE, 1997). However, at the lower levels of GCSE attainment, the gender gap is smaller in percentage point terms. In 1997, 8.8% of boys and 6.5% of girls failed to gain GCSE qualifications (DfEE, 1997). These figures show some of the paradoxes in gender and attainment. Males gain most of the higher education top awards but the trend is for girls in general to do better in public examinations than boys – differences which are apparent in the earlier years of schooling. Consequently, current concerns about schooling are now more related to boys’ underachievement (as demonstrated in public examinations) than to that of girls. The question is whether such outcomes at school and higher education reflect approaches to assessment, methods of teaching, and/or expectations of society. The OfSTED (2003) report found that boys progress more than girls in mathematics throughout schools. Research indicated that in mathematics the gap between boys and girls attaining level 4 and above at the end of Key Stage 2 was only one percentage point, with boys at 73% and girls at 72%; however, 32% of boys achieved level 5 and above whilst only 26% girls did (OfSTED, 2003:13). According to OfSTED (2003:14) although the differences are smaller than those in English, it is a continuous trend and it is therefore still vital to understand why girls perform better in certain subjects such as literacy and underachieve in comparison to boys in mathematics. One key reason may be the perception girls have of this subject area. The 1998 OfSTED Report on ‘Recent Research on Gender and Education Performance’ stated that â€Å"science, mathematics, technology, ICT and PE are rated as ‘masculine’ by pupils and preferred by boys† (Arnot et al., 1998:31). Girls rated English, humanities, music, PSE and RE as feminine and preferred by girls. However, Archer and Macrae (1991) are cited in the same OfSTED report suggesting that mathematics has become more gender neutral perhaps reflected in the smaller gap between genders than that of literacy. The reason the gap has become smaller may be because girls are more prepared to tackle ‘masculine’ subjects. Public concern about the underperformance of boys has risen since the early 1990s as girls outstripped their male classmates academically. Although the proportion getting five C’s or better increased from 38% in 1996 to 46% in 2003, the gender gap remained steady at 10 percentage points in favour of girls. Both boys and girls in deprived areas got much lower grades than their more advantaged peers. But while girls in poor areas were improving faster than those in affluent areas, the gap between rich and poor boys remained constant. Dr. Deborah Wilson, Bristol University expert on the gender gap in schools, argued that the differences are likely to be a result of factors outside school: â€Å"The effect of poverty on exam results is greater than the effect of gender. If we focus more on the reasons for poverty affecting performance we might get better results for both boys and girls†Ã‚  (TES, 13 August 2004). According to Mendick (2002), in England, the evolving gendered patterns of attainment in mathematics need to be juxtaposed with the unchanging gendered patterns of participation in the subject. There are very few remaining differences between the attainment of male and female students in either GCSE, AS, or A-level mathematics examinations (taken at ages 16+, 17+ and 18 respectively) (Gorard et al., 2001; Guardian, 2002a, 2002b). Although boys are still more likely to secure the top A* and A grades at GCSE and A-level respectively, the differences are small and getting smaller. In contrast to these shifting patterns of attainment, the decision to continue with advanced mathematics remains highly gendered in favour of boys. This polarization persists despite decades of feminist intervention; as Shaw (1995:107) argues: â€Å"the most striking feature of subject choice is that the freer it is, the more gendered it is.† In fact, from 1994 to 2002, the proportion of the total number of 17 and 18 year-olds entered for A-level mathematics in England who are male showed little change, dropping only slightly from 65% to 63% (Government Statistical Service, 1995 to 2002; Guardian, 2002b). This greater participation of males in mathematics courses becomes more pronounced as you go up the levels from A-level, to undergraduate, and then to postgraduate, and is reflected in the larger number of men than women working in mathematically-oriented fields. Mendick (2002:1) argued: The gender gap in maths performance in this country, while still marginally in favour of boys, is continuing to narrow (Smithers, 2000; Gorard et al., 2001). However, the gender gap in participation in maths remains in spite of more than two decades of feminist initiatives for change. Moreover, maths becomes increasingly male dominated as we progress from sixth-form (ages 16 to 19) to undergraduate levels, and from undergraduate to postgraduate levels (Boaler, 2000)†¦ girls continue to disproportionately opt out of maths, a powerful area of the curriculum that provides a ‘critical filter’ (Sells, 1980) to high status areas of academia  and employment. The above suggests that although girls are doing better than boys overall across the subject areas in the UK, they still fall behind when choosing mathematics at higher levels of the education system. Mendick also portrays mathematics as a powerful subject, a signifier of intelligence that acts as a ‘critical filter’ controlling entry to higher status areas of academia and employment. Thus, for those concerned with social justice, it is pertinent to ask how it is that people come to choose mathematics and in what ways this process is gendered, which is the point of concern for this paper. According to Bevan (2005), the findings from the review of existing research included evidence that girls outperform boys in mathematics up to the beginning of A-level, but that the differences are small, and are not consistent across all components of the subject; attitudes to mathematics vary according to gender; there are significant differences in the expectations of boys and girls regarding their own performance in mathematics; boys and girls differ in their typical learning styles; and that ability grouping impacts differently on boys and girls. Bevan’s (2005) interviews revealed that teachers with very limited exposure to formal research were able to articulate judgments about gender differences in learning mathematics based solely on classroom experience; and that their intuitive judgments were often broadly correct, but tended to exaggerate the extent of any real differences. Presently there is no comparative research concerning Botswana teachers’ judgments on gender differences in the learning of mathematics. Sparkes (1999) pointed out that the gender gap in the UK was related to a variety of social issues including: parents’ educational attainment, growing up dependent on an income support recipient/eligible for free school meals, housing tenure and conditions, family structure (such as lone parent family), parental interest, involvement, practice, etc. These trends are different from the situation in Botswana and any comparisons need a contextual analysis of the situation. Perspectives from Africa with specific reference to Southern Africa Gender differences in mathematics education in developing countries are one critical area of research that needs further exploration. There is limited information about the status of contextual research on women and girls in those settings in relationship to their mathematical education. As Kitetu (2004:6-7) acknowledges from an African view: Unfortunately, while a lot of gender programmes have been carried out, not much research has been done within the classroom in the continent. Our understanding of gender in classroom practices is most often based on what has been studied in Western Europe and North America. I would like to argue that there is always a cultural angle in studies of social practices. Fortunately, there are emerging research efforts in the area of mathematics as the African continent begins to face up to the realities of gender differences in classroom practices. The persistent patriarchal attitudes in Africa tended to prevent researchers from problematising the gender issue. Investigating gender differences and Black South African learners’ attitudes towards mathematics, Mahlomaholo and Sematle (2004:4-5) reported that: The differences between boys and girls were very clear at all levels of analysis†¦ For example they (girls) said it was because of parental pressure/choice or because their friends were studying the discipline, or because their teachers instructed them to study mathematics. Others even went to the extent of citing chance or fate as responsible for them taking mathematics as an area of study†¦ They were apologetic and not taking responsibility on themselves†¦ They even expressed their embarrassment at not being good at mathematics, they also expressed the fear for their teachers whom they compared to lions†¦ they tended to agree that mathematics is for all and not for a particular gender. For the girls in Mahlomaholo and Sematle (2004:6-7), mathematics was â€Å"too  difficult† and  Ã¢â‚¬ ¦they were fed up with the subject and†¦ cannot be expected to continue with a subject that they were failing so dismally†¦ did not even have an interest in the subject as it demanded too much work and time to study while the boys saw much value in the discipline†¦There is no reason at all why some human beings do not have appropriate views regarding the study of mathematics, it is only because the views of a culture and a milieu that undermines women speak through them and have manifested themselves firmly in their minds. In their study of three successful women in mathematics related careers, Mahlomaholo and Mathamela (2004:3) reported the prevalence of a conventional patriarchal approach in the South African society. They argued that: It tends to privilege male interests and their privileged positions at the expense of women through the belief that the status quo where male dominate is natural and given†¦ Schools tend to operate in line with this approach. To underscore how the three women persevered in mathematics within the hostile cultural attitudes, Mahlomaholo and Mathamela (2004:7) argued that: †¦socialisation and upbringing, including home and family background, as well as parental support, were identified as factors that enabled the three women to go beyond the limitations of their situations. Mahlomaholo and Mathamela were convinced that beyond contextual and social factors the women had strong conceptions of themselves. They had self-belief in their abilities and a love for mathematics, which could not be dampened either by teachers’ negative remarks or the social structure’s negative stereotypes. The study identified social contextual factors and intra-psychic motivational factors as responsible for enabling female learners of mathematics to either excel or fail at the subject. Cassy (2004:5-6) reported from Mozambique that: â€Å"Although the main aim of the  education policy of the country is to promote, among others, gender equity in access to all education levels, there are more females than males, who do not benefit from this. This gender discrepancy increases over the education levels, being more at the tertiary level and particularly in mathematics and its related fields.† Cassy found significant differences between the patterns of attitudes towards mathematics expressed by boys and girls in which boys rated their attitudes more positively than girls did. Boys were more confident in working in mathematics than girls, and girls were more convinced that mathematics was a male domain than boys. Furthermore, girls were reported to believe much more than boys that mathematics is more appropriate for males than for females. Both girls and boys were found to agree that mathematics was useful. These findings are not different from what has been reported in Western research studies. Perhaps this was to be expected since the study used the Fennema-Sherman Mathematics Attitude Scale with its robust Western cultural questioning style. Cassy (2004:6) acknowledges that: â€Å"the majority of girls did not like the connotation of the items.† This calls for a more contextualised itemisation of the scales adopted from Western research contexts. Chacko (2004) presented another study from a Southern African perspective on the problems of students in learning mathematics and the approaches used in teaching mathematics in South Africa. Chacko reported no differences between girls and boys in terms of liking the subject. Chacko (2004:4) wrote: †¦ they do like mathematics and would like to do well in it but for them it is a very difficult subject. This interest in doing mathematics came out more prominently in township schools where they considered it important for future jobs. The South African students’ belief that mathematics is difficult was found among secondary school students in Zimbabwe (Chacko, 2000). Chacko (2004:4-5) further argues that students were encouraged to do well in mathematics because â€Å"their goals in life are something that is urging them to like mathematics which according to Hannula (2002) is ‘the value of  mathematics – related goals in the student’s global goal structure.’† It seems, from Chacko’s arguments that the liking of mathematics was not intrinsic to the students, but driven by the urge to do well in the subject because of the need and importance it presented for their future trajectories. According to Chacko (2004:8), girls in township schools seemed to spend more of out of school time on household chores, which could affect their studies. The same could be said about Botswana girls as Chacko (2004:5-6) further argued: †¦ chores took most of their time while school work was at the end when they were already tired to concentrate. This is more a developing country problem where chores in the house are kept for girls, which could affect the time they spent on learning and their vision for the future. †¦ Some of the girls in the township schools said that when they do not find time to complete homework, due to the reprimand from teachers, they would rather miss school. Once they miss school, it becomes difficult to catch up, which eventually lead to failure and drop out. Some of these problems are unique to the African contexts, and cannot be ignored when embarking on research on gender and mathematics. Chacko (2004:8) reported that the majority of students wanted mathematics to be made fun and to be related to life where they can see its use. â€Å"Girls in particular would like to see the content related to situations in life where these could be applied.† Some reported being shy and afraid to tell teachers that they did not understand, to avoid being ridiculed in public (by fellow classmates or teachers). Some of these issues are distinctive features of gender differences in African contexts which distinguish them from those of Western industrial societies. From the researcher’s experiences of teaching in secondary schools in Botswana and Nottingham (UK), there seems to be common ground with Chacko’s arguments. Over the years there have been efforts to address the gender disparities in  education in Africa, with a particular concern on the enrolment of girls, which for years has been very low. As Kitetu (2004) put it: The imbalance in boys’ and girls’ participation in schooling was linked to the age-long belief in male superiority and female subordination. This situation was further explained as aggravated by patriarchal practices, which gave girls no traditional rights to succession†¦ encouraged preference to be given to the education of a boy rather than of a girl. These small-scale investigations are recent efforts towards a better understanding of gender differentials in mathematics from an African perspective.

A Murder Case

According to a witness, 19 year old Joseph Tylutki – the defendant – was bickering over money with his friend, Vincent Bohlman, also 19, when Tylutki shot Bohlman thrice in the chest and killed him.   Bohlman was not carrying a weapon, also according to the witness.Apparently Tylutki had placed a knife in Bohlman’s hand after killing him in order to lie to the court of law later on that Bohlman had tried to kill him first (â€Å"Bail Cut for Teen in Friend’s Death†).The plaintiff in the case is Bohlman’s mother.   When Michael Bloom, the Defense Attorney, argued that Tylutki is neither â€Å"a danger to the public† nor a â€Å"flight risk,† Barbara Sattler, the Pima County Superior Court Judge lowered his bail from $750,000 to $25,000 (â€Å"Bail Cut for Teen in Friend’s Death†).The plaintiff had already pleaded with the Judge not to lower Tylutki’s bail.   Dan Nicolini, the Deputy Pima County Attorney had similarly argued against a reduction in the defendant’s bail amount, stating that Tylutki may very well be a â€Å"flight risk (â€Å"Bail Cut for Teen in Friend’s Death†).†However, the Judge maintained her decision.   Tylutki is presently allowed to pay $25,000 to move to his parents’ home from where he would be required to â€Å"regularly report to court officials (â€Å"Bail Cut for Teen in Friend’s Death†).†Ã‚   The defendant would also have to â€Å"submit to drug testing† on a regular basis seeing that â€Å"[f]ive bags of marijuana packaged for sale† had been found in his room (â€Å"Bail Cut for Teen in Friend’s Death†).OpinionTylutki’s bail amount should not be lowered seeing that he has already murdered his friend and may very well murder others if he is able to pay $25,000 to move out of jail to his parents’ home.   As a matter of fact, the defendant should not have the option of being set free by paying any bail amount.Clearly, a person with the ability to murder his or her friend must be identified as â€Å"a danger to the public† given that he or she cannot be expected to respect the rights of others either (â€Å"Bail Cut for Teen in Friend’s Death†).Bloom cannot prove that Tylutki would not murder another individual if he is set free.   Furthermore, even if the defendant is required to â€Å"regularly report to court officials† there is no evidence that he would not disappear between the scheduled dates of reporting (â€Å"Bail Cut for Teen in Friend’s Death†).

Adriaen Kocks Research Paper

The Delft pottery production process starts with the sourcing of white clay that is imported from Germany. The clay is then mixed with water to form liquid clay. Afterwards, the liquid is poured into moulds made from plaster of Paris. The plaster absorbs the water and makes the clay to dry quickly.After the liquid clay is poured into the mould, it takes around thirty minutes to solidify around the mould. The excess liquid is then poured out. Consequently, the moulds are turned upside-down to remove the remaining liquid. The mould is afterwards removed from the pottery after four hours.Later, the edges are trimmed with a knife and the rough surfaces are smoothened by use of a wet sponge. The pottery is then left for three days to dry completely, followed by burning in an electric kiln for eight hours at a temperature of about 1040 degrees centigrade. Consequently, the pottery is allowed to cool for 24 hours. 1 The baked ceramic articles are then painted with the appropriate decoration s.The Delft Pottery technique started way back in the 13th century when the Delft Company received its municipal rights. In the 16th century, many delft factories were established in many Dutch towns. The plants produced many products including the famous â€Å"Maiolica† which was made of tin glaze decorated by being painted blue or being given polychrome design.The delft company acquired its name from a Dutch village where the articles were widely produced. Due to the civil war in China, many delft factories were closed down due to lack of raw materials. The existing language barrier also made the companies to close down.In the 19th century, the remaining companies closed due to increased competition and lack of appropriate technology. The cultural aspects and tradition of the Dutch people dictated that they paint all their articlesDuring the time when the delft pottery started, there were a lot of innovations and artistic techniques due to the discovery of the white porcela in in China. At this time, there was the civil war in China that led to the decline of the products of the delft companies.In the 17th century, the delft companies brought many exotic wares and spices from China. This action caused many artisans to make their own homemade pottery which led to the decline of the market. 2 By the 19th century, delft pottery had declined due to other European materials gaining popularity.Moreover, many Germany and other countries’ potters developed their articles which they distinguished from the original delft products by use of more advanced techniques, thus making their products more durable. The sales of the delfts thus diminished.  Some of the current artists that are producing pottery works that are related to delft pottery include â€Å"de Delftse Pauw† which exclusively sells and produces entirely hand-painted delft articles although with a different approach.Further, the British airways has made several airplane tail parts with the delft pottery technique. The delft technique is widely used in the manufacture of many products in the current world and it is an artistic method used by professionally-trained painters.In addition, many of the collections made by tourists include many of the of the delft remains. Delft pottery thus acts as an investment of the Dutch culture. Further, the delft pottery is used in the manufacture of building tiles, thus adding artistic flavor to modern technology.Works CitedKidson, Joseph R. Historical Notices of the Leeds Old Pottery. Verona NJ: Read Books, 2008.   .Reevens, George M. Sims, Ian and Cripps, J. C. Clay Materials Used In Construction. Bath, United Kingdom: Geological Society, 2006.Time Out. Time Out Amsterdam. Time Out Guides, 2005.

Business Language Acquisition Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3500 words

Business Language Acquisition - Essay Example It is aimed at providing a required level of use of technical jargon associated with oil-related work and employment. This makes a good practice for enhancing speaking powers by employing the use of business terms related to oil issues. Debate will allow the audience to understand the use of technical terms and create a similar understanding, translation and usage of words. Extensive reading sessions will be held to introduce new topics and relevant issues. Any one executive will be selected to read out loud in the session and any other executive will be selected to summarize what has been read. Feedback will be welcomed from other executives present in the session. The reading materials provided will be related to oil extraction, foreign oil supply diversification and petroleum, oil and gas management studies. This will be an autonomous way of exploring writings on oil availability, oil fields, oil extraction processes, and technological advances around the globe, for both theoretical and practical perspectives on learning oil-related works. These will also serve as source texts for reflecting on learner autonomy in language learning. This can be carried out in two stages: This will help the executives to acquire abilities of effectively expressing their ideas using useful business terms and generate reports of their activities giving detailed and logical reasoning for successor manager to follow. 4. Research Papers The executives will be asked to fish out research materials on global happenings related to oil extraction, filtration and consumption and any other oil related issues and updates. Rationale This activity will not only enrich their knowledge and expertise in

Scope, potential and benefits of urban farming and its importance to Research Paper

Scope, potential and benefits of urban farming and its importance to local communities in US - Research Paper Example The food production has been declining; earth has been becoming a hotter place without adequate green cover; the quality of food available for people in general has been decreasing; and as more leisure got created, more and more human beings have been detached from physical labour resulting in lack of exercise and the emergence of new kinds of life style related diseases. These are only a few of the many problems faced by humans as they got distanced from nature and agriculture. The detachment from nature has thus kickstarted a process of decline in quality of life caused by its impact on food security, employment, carbon fixation, oxygen availability, mental happiness, relaxation, physical exercise, peace of mind received from nature, aesthetic appeal, fresh food, food traceability, pollution control, waste utilization, waste water utilization, waste-to-energy conversion, space availability and optimal utilization of available space. Pearson has categorised the benefits of urban far ming into three, namely, â€Å"social, economic, and environmental goods and services† (3). ... It can be said, the north and south represent two growth stages in human civilization but it is more important to note that in Southern cities, urban agriculture â€Å"plays a significant role in providing a measure of food security and income for a rapidly increasing urban population† (2). It has to be remembered that urban farming is not a newly introduced concept to cities but has been existing in all cities as vestiges of rural life until the development bandwagon erased it completely at least from the mega-cities. In this context, this paper envisages finding out the scope, potential and benefits of urban farming for the world in general and the US in particular. This investigation is carried out keeping in mind, urban agriculture is not a monolithic concept but include: Residual, often peri-urban broadacre farmland, small ‘community gardens’, personally managed allotments, home gardens, portions of parks that were previously planted entirely with amenity spe cies, fruit trees along roadside reserves, greenhouses, green roofs and green walls (Pearson, 3). In the backdrop of the huge â€Å"knowledge gap† that exists regarding the potential, methods and benefits of urban farming, this study envisages preparing a knowledge database on different aspects of the same (Pearson, Pearson, and Pearson, 9). Review of Literature The early ideas on urban farming as we know it was initiated during the era of New Deal, when â€Å"homesteads were organized as examples of how the country could benefit from a proliferation of semirural neighborhoods, where part-time farming on inexpensive but desirable land would encourage uplifting social functions and help establish a